The reason that this domain is important is probably that religion does not play as important a role today for many people in society as it did in the Middle Ages. Memory in the form of certain traditional Christian practices has been passed down through the generations, but other organizations, roles, practices and objects have been abandoned or are rare, and may not be familiar to young people.
Hence, Hachette Jeunesse presents the following explanations in footnotes:. So there are also references to some Jewish terms, beliefs and practices which are footnoted. The novel portrays strong anti-Semitism in the Middle Ages. This provokes the longest footnote in the Hachette Jeunesse text 4 :. HJ: An important influence on this footnote must be that today we have a strong memory of the Second World War, of the fate of the Jews at the time, as well as a sense of duty to pass this memory on to younger generations. A number of italicized English terms are transferred to the Hachette Jeunesse text and footnoted with an explanation: franklin , thane , yeomen , alderman , and outlaw in the following way:.
For franklin , the original text itself contains a brief in-text explanation, inferior gentry , which is not taken up in the Hachette versions. This reflects the importance of combat at the time which is carried over into the sport of jousting, highlighted in the novel. There are a whole series of smaller categories referring to various aspects of medieval life. This may be due to the desire to produce a fast pace and a lean text for the body of the text, thus limiting in-text explanations.
It should be noted that in the early 19 th century, knowledge of the medieval period was slight, even among the well-educated. The Penguin Scott quietly gives the facts about Edward the Confessor, but makes no particular comment on morrion. Unlike some other adaptations, Hachette Jeunesse retains and explains terms which relate to historical practices and specificities. This French adaptation acts as a means of passing on memory to young people, not only memory of this iconic novel and its famous characters, thus contributing to the on-going series of multiple remediations, but also memory of life in a time long past.
It is the numerous footnotes adding non-fictional elements which play an important role here. In the modern Penguin edition it comprises closely printed pages. Further to this, I would like to argue here that, whether consciously motivated or not, some omissions in the Hachette Jeunesse text as well as modifications can be related to differences in national cultural memory. The adaptation downplays two themes which are very important in British cultural memory: the myth of the Norman yoke, and the question of reconciliation of races. The text also downplays a theme which does not accord with French cultural memory: a negative view of the Normans and the French.
Used figuratively, the word yoke refers to something regarded as repressive or restrictive. Yoke was first applied to the Norman Conquest by medieval chroniclers. Mythologization of significant historical events is a characteristic of cultural memory. There are many definitions and ways of analyzing myths.
At the core of the myth of the Norman yoke is a highly negative attitude towards the Norman conquerors as oppressors. As early as the 13 th and 14 th centuries, English verse chronicles expressed the idea that the Normans had enslaved and impoverished the English with lasting effect. This can be considered historically inaccurate because despite the initial violence and harshness of the invaders, the Normans brought some benefits to England and its people.
In the 16 th and 17 th centuries a strand of the myth developed in which the Normans are said to have put an end to an Anglo-Saxon golden age. In the 16 th century English church reformers promoted the falsehood that prior to the Normans the ancient English church was free from Roman Catholic dominance. Further elements were added to the myth by political reformers in the 17 th and 18 th centuries who promoted the idea that the Normans had imposed a new tyrannical system of law and property, the feudal system.
In the 19 th century, the myth of the Norman yoke no longer had much political weight, but a racialized version of Normans versus Saxons was taken up dramatically by novelists Scott, Bulwer-Lytton, and Kingsley and historians Thierry, Taine, and Freeman. It was Scott who led the way with his novel Ivanhoe in which he contributes a further aspect to the myth: the notion that the Anglo-Saxon common people continued to struggle against the tyrannical Norman military aristocracy for a number of generations.
In the 20 th and 21 st centuries the myth is still present, perhaps most strongly in the numerous film and television versions of Robin Hood in which Robin defends the poor Saxons against the cruel Norman sheriff of Nottingham Brownlie, in preparation. The fact that the myth keeps coming back in transformed ways demonstrates its centrality to British cultural memory. A circumstance which greatly tended to enhance the tyranny of the nobility, and the sufferings of the inferior classes, arose from the consequences of the Conquest by Duke William of Normandy.
Four generations had not sufficed to blend the hostile blood of the Normans and the Anglo-Saxons, or to unite, by common language and mutual interests, two hostile races… Scott, : I, 5. The vagueness of the text with no specific mention of who Guillaume is, and no specific mention of who the two enemy races are, is noticeable. It is noticeable that the normally sketchy and highly abridged English Dover adaptation is careful in explaining the ethnic situation, albeit briefly; this is no doubt due to the importance of this in not only British but English-speaking memory the Dover text is published in the USA and Canada, as well as Britain.
There is omission of a number of comments and complaints by the narrator or by Saxon characters about the current disinherited status of the Saxons and the ill behaviour of the Normans. An entire chapter vol I, chap.
In this chapter Front de Boeuf is about to torture Isaac over red-hot iron bars in order to exact money from him. Such dialogues are very striking and memorable in the original text. Here is an example. In the Hachette Jeunesse text we find the sentences:. Mynheer Calf, too, becomes Monsieur de Veau in the like manner; he is Saxon when he requires tendance, and takes a Norman name when he becomes matter of enjoyment. The finest and the fattest is for their board; the loveliest is for their couch; the best and bravest supply their foreign masters with soldiers, and whiten distant lands with their bones, leaving few here who have either will or the power to protect the unfortunate Saxon.
These items do not advance the story but add greatly to its atmosphere and emotion; they are omitted from the Hachette Jeunesse adaptation, as they are from other adaptations. Scott, : II, In contrast to the Hachette Jeunesse version, the English Dover adaptation clearly maintains the ethnic division. This is done by using simple language such as repeated recourse to the terms Norman and Saxon to describe characters and events. Each side also plainly shows its opinion of the other with such phrases as Saxon dog! Glorifying the Saxon king Alfred and associating him with Queen Victoria led to the movement of Saxonism, promoting the Anglo-Saxons as superior Simmons, A third path was also depicted in the 19 th century: reconciliation Briggs, And this is the path shown by Scott at the end of Ivanhoe.
His Normans and Saxons are reconciled and Scott promotes the notion of a strong and resilient English and British people being forged through this union 6. This concerns chiefly the activities of the initially disguised King Richard who, at the end of the novel, is the major agent of reconciliation. The retention of this scene in the short Dover adaptation signals the importance of the reconciliation theme for an English-speaking audience.
Chapter 8 Volume 2 Scott,  features the attack by Locksley and his Saxon yeomen on the Norman castle of Torquilstone in order to free several Saxon characters who are unjustly imprisoned. Once more unto the breach, dear friends, once more, Or close the wall up with our English dead. Over the centuries there are numerous instances when the British bring up the Norman Conquest at stressful moments in Franco-British relations. In British cultural memory the Conquest tends to be associated negatively with the French of later historical periods. The addition of footnotes and therefore the increase of the non-fictional component in the Hachette Jeunesse text revealed the desire to pass on to young people the memory of life in a distant time period as well as of the classic text itself.
It is primarily through the explanation of specialized vocabulary that information about the past is transmitted in the footnotes. Translations and adaptations are an important means of creating transcultural memory, shared knowledge of the past and of cultural items. And yet concurrently different groups such as nations construct their identity as specific through their own cultural memory, and their cultural products such as literary works are embedded in this memorial specificity.
Now towards this light the five ancient poets lead Dante, and make him a sixth of their "school. They sing Rome, whose emblem is the Eagle. Naturally, their "highest song" "flies like an eagle," because it nies with the Eagle-of Rome. They are the prophets of the Roman Empire. The word 'prophets' is no mere rhetorical figure. Since Rome is Christ's foreordained kingdom, its history-like that of Jerusalem, chosen kingdom under the Old Dispensationmust have been providentially guided. Most efficacious signs of such providential guidance converted Dante to belief that the Empire received its sanction, not through the Churchwhich was established long after,-but direct from God.
This was the very corner-stone of his political faith. Confession of this conversion opens the second book of his De Monarchia, which is the statement and proof of his political faith, and the rest of that book is a presentment of those "efficacissima signa. Il From Virgil, whom he calls "our divine poet," he takes by far most of all. Moreover, he finds in the words of the author of the Aeneid that "consonance" with the prophets and apostles of Christ which Statius had found in the Fourth Eclogue.
Thus Virgil may be said to have converted him to faith in the divine right of Christ's temporal empire of Rome, even as Virgil had converted Statius to faith Contrast is implied with the other Brutus who striking at Caesar, struck at the divinely ordained Emperor, and therefore, as a supreme traitor, dangles from the mouth of the arch-traitor, Lucifer. Similarly, it might be possible to illustrate the consonance of a single, but fundamental, prophecy 24 of the Aeneid with Holy Scripture. The manner of peace to be imposed by the Romans as world-rulers is.
Livy and Cicero by "signs" helped couvert him to the true faith in respect to the Roman Empire, to belief in the Roman Eagle as the "Bird of God. Victory was adjudged by Providence to the Romans. As evidence he cites Virgil and Lucan, and shows their testimony consonant with Christian Boethius and Luke. Dante cites the passage to prove the competence of the Romans to rule-Mon. II, vit. Virgil stresses the fact that Rome is new Troy; hence for it to be, old Troy had to cease to be.
Rome's own story therefore begins in Troy. Lucan's words, which epitomize his Pharsalia, conceives the civil war which ended with the establishment of the Empire, as a duel between two men, Julius Caesar and Pompey. If Caesar's victory over Pompey made the Empire actual, Aeneas's victory over Turnus made it possible. Also, there is a curious parallelism between the two duels. Achilles killed Hector only to avenge his friend Patrocles; Aeneas killed Turnus only to avenge his friend Pallas. As presenting the merited yet providential destruction of "proud Ilion,' Homer appears with avenging sword in hand.
Hector himself is noble; God judges against, not him, but the cause he champions. Their authors are Dante's authorities; they lead to the light of the stronghold of Reason, of Roman Law. But Virgil, under the form of prophecy, carries the story farther. Although his narrative ends with the victory of Aeneas, Anchises foretells the whole course of Roman historyto the triumphant world-peace-the 'golden age'—establishedby Augustus Caesar. Marcellus, heir of Augustus and hope of the Empire, is dead. Aeneas's victory seems turned into defeat. For Virgil—at least for Dante's Virgil-his poem is a tragedy.
This true heir was indeed to die, but by His death was to make Rome whole-with the completing spiritual power-and holy. But for the pagan Roman Empire he and his "school" served and sang, Virgil's pessimism was justified; it had to die that the Holy Roman Empire might live. His Eagle traversed all the earth, but could not soar to the true Sun. His school led only to an earth-bound Castle of Nobleness, a place of sighing and spiritual frustration. So it is in his allegory that Dante leaves Limbo under escort of Virgil alone of his school.
So far as Dante Alighieri is concerned, all this amounts to M Aen. That was the "school" which Beatrice declares had made his. For his deliverance from this school of evil, Beatrice-his Holy Spirit-had sent Virgil to him, or-actually-had sent him to Virgil's writings. By them, principally, he had been brought to see the light. Made sixth in the school of the Eagle, he will continue its "altissimo canto. At least, so Christ Himself designed. But His Eagle is now without "heir" on earth.
Dante thus must begin his song where Virgil-with Anchises -leaves off, in despair for the Roman Empire. But whereas Virgil's despair is final, and his song therefore a "tragedy," Dante's beginning despair is presently turned to hope; his song becomes a "comedy. When the "heir"-the right Emperor-shall appear is as God may will; He is the "one Elector. Dante sees one at hand, actually replevining these in the name of Caesar; and Dante's hope—as an individual, as a statesman, as a Christian-is in this 'Veltro,' this 'Dux,' this 'Scipio.
Hi5 purpose is like Scipio's, who, agent of "l'alta Providenza,". Scipio defended Rome by an offensive against the Carthaginian. Dante must defend her by an offensive against the new 'Carthaginian,' the covetous Papacy and its Guelph supporters"la fuia. Dante's own offensive must of needs be verbal; and a verbal offensive against evil is satire. And for instruction in that kind Dante went to its master in the school of the Eagle—"Orazio satiro.
This would at least fit Dante's practice in the Comedy. In method also of attack, Dante's satire jibes with Horace's actual Satires. In each vices are attacked, not abstractly or by personified abstractions, but by real persons typifying them. This is natural, for cupidity-the lust of having-is the root of all evil, and enemy of the Roman State.
It is commonly asserted, indeed, that Dante knew only the Ars Poetica. The only ground for this assertion is the dubious M fwf. Paget Toynbee would translate satiro Concise Dante Dictionary, s. Dante also presents symbolic beasts, but these are metamorphosed real persons.
See below, in connection with Ovid. It seems strange he should not have read more of one he calls "Master" in poetic art, and adduces as "satirist" leading him to the light. However, he at least knew the censor of Roman life as quoted extensively by other writers. Por ce ne dois tu avois esperance es mortels choses; car li uns ans toit l'autre, et une hore fait perdre tot le jor. And Brunetto: "La droite noblece dit Oraces que ele est vertus seulement"; and again: "Oraces dit apertement que noblesce ne vient mie par avoir; la ou il dit: Ja soit ce que tu ailles orguilleusement par ton avoir, Fortune ne muet pas pas gentillesce; car se un poz de terre estoit tout covers d'or, je por ce ne remaint que il ne fust de boe.
Cupidity is drowning mankind. Naturally, these moral precepts-premisses of Horatian 56 Liv. II, pt. Reading this dictum, Dante could hardly fail to be reminded of that of his master, Guinicelli's, in his famous Canzone:. Ovid's Metamorphoses, like all the major poems of antiquity, was supposed in the Middle Ages to be an allegory. And this implication would be supported by the last words of the poem, which assert the perpetuity of the Roman Empire. Such an idea would certainly be congenial to Dante, and one aspect of his own multiple allegory does adumbrate certain crucial stages of world-history.
Such a cycle is indicated in his rendering of the words of Virgil's Eclogue:. II, Vit! The word, in verb and adjective form, occurs twenty-one times in the Comedy. My mind is bent to tell of bodies changed into new forms. Miller in Loeb Classics. Medieval interpretations of Ovid's supposed allegory were numerous. One-a very crude one-was made by Dante's correspondent, Giovanni del Virgilio. Cause of this new cupidity was Constantine's rending of the Tree of Empire, which made the "first rich father," the Pope, covetous.
So, in principle Constantine repeats Adam's sin. Dante's Adam declares his guilt to have "il trapassar de! Guest was not safe from host, nor father-in-law from son-in-law; even among brothers 'twas rare to find affection. The husband longed for the death of his wife, she of her husband; murderous stepmothers brewed deadly poisons, and sons inquired into their fathers' years before the time.
This impious folk was shaped by Earth from the blood of the Giants who rebelled against Jove. Their King, Lycaon, is for his cupidity, "amor sceleratus habendi," turned into a wolf. Darkened is the once white skin of the daughter of the sun. The 'daughter of the Sun' may mean 'humanity' or "l'umana famiglia.
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So the covetous Chief 71 Met. Lycaon's crime is associated with the murder of Caesar-Ib. H As "thief of Caesar's patrimony, the Pope is here called "fuia," but he is also presented in Inf. To "cupidity," says Aquinas De delectione Dei et proximi, cap. A large part of Met. Hence, perhaps, the baleful implication of Fan xxvii, —"Quahmque cibo per qualunque luna. Cupidity is "the root of all sins. She has turned the inhabitants of the Val d'Arno into swine, curs, wolves, foxes.
The range of transmutation in nature is from lowest beast to highest angel. Figuratively speaking, Dante passes from lowest to highest, from almost becoming one of Circe's changelings in Hell to being momentarily, and in promise, one with the Angels in Paradise. He may say:. Subjectively, his black angel is Cupidity, inordinate desire of "things present with their false pleasure," enticements of this world, bestializing enchantments of the "antica strega," the Siren, Circe.
As one in and of that "parte selvaggia "-while in Florence and of 81 Aquinas, S. I-II, lxxxiv, i. In Epis. I-II, Ixxiv, i. That Circe is intended by the Siren who "turned Ulysses from his way" is further supported by Ulysses' own narrative in Inf. Circe's power is through cupidity, which, as Aquinas says, is "poison" to charity, its opposite. As Circe dehumanizes him, Beatrice transhumanizes him.
The process may be called metabolic, conformable to the adage: "Mann ist was er isst. Or, by bolder figure, his eyes swallow Beatrice's image aflame with the Holy Spirit, and his heart, assimilating it, names likewise. The chariot of the Church, which should-like Elijah'scarry men to heaven, has 'swallowed' the Eagle's plumes". II-II, cxxxi. He acknowledges this s!
Caesar's rights, and consequently has been changed into a monster, upon which is seated, in place of Beatrice before, a Harlot, a puttana, 95 The Holy Spirit, or spirit of charity, by which the Church should be guided and guide, has been dispossessed by Circe, the spirit of cupidity. Ovid's Circe is lustful; she is a wolf-woman, a lupa, and in Italian lupa and puttana are synonyms.
And St. Augustine: "Si praevaluerit concupiscentiae cupiditas, expellitur caritas. He is saved, by exception,97 without the Church to guide. As Circe was turning Dante into a wolf, Beatrice's final transmutation of him is into an eagle, bird which can look into the Sun. Having Beatrice's power through charity of transmutation, he will change the hunting Dog cane , or Veltro, enemy of the Wolf, into such an Eagle as Scipio was, when his "talons".
For Dante figures the wolfish Papacy, enemy of true Rome, as the 'Carthaginian. The selva oscura changes, by elimination of cupidity, into the prato di fresca verdura, lighted from the Castle of Reason, but shut off from the Sun. Given the Sun's light-Christ's revelation-the selva oscura e selvaggia becomes the divina foresta, where instead of wild beasts there are sweet birds.
And the River of Light, or grace, is the exaltation of the stream, which, flowing in two opposite directions, is called Lethe and Eunoe; for by the water of contrition we are exalted to grace. Styx thickens into a marsh; Phlegethon turns boiling blood. And Cocytus lake, formed by the infernal rivers, is turned to ice by the fanning of Lucifer's bat-wings. Dante at times manifestly so binds together mutually relevant passages. Thus the spirits of heaven itself reaffirm the principle of Dante's political faith.
Now 1 do not mean to imply that Ovid alone gave model or suggestion to Dante in this matter of transmutation. On the contrary, the writings of the churchmen are full of it. Bonaventure, spokesman in the heaven of the Sun, finds in the Eucharist four progressive 'conversions,' or transmutations. Second conversion is of that "stone into water": "the hardened heart is dissolved by contrition into the water of tears. The third conversion is of "water into wine": "contrition is turned into love, tears of fear into wine of love.
The fourth conversion is of "wine into blood "-blood of Christ. Drinking it, we become members of His body. Drinking of the river of light, the spirits become members of the Rose. I do not attach any significance to this parallel other than as a sample of symbolic imagery occurring on page after page of Church writers, and often anticipating Dante's. The point is, not that the pagan poets differ from Christian teachers, but that the two 'schools' agree-at least in that the former is an "ombrifero prefazio" of the latter.
In the extensive correspondence with his family published in the eighteenth century, only two appear, sent on February i, , and on April 16, Bayle, ,1, pp. Nouvelles Lettres, , I, p. Two letters to his mother were published in the eighteenth century. See above. The MS. They are: Letter No. The dates of these and the other letters prove that Bayle was in correspondence with his mother at least from to Moreover, his expressions of love and esteem are evidently more than mere rhetoric or formulas of courtesy.
As is to be expected, these letters to his mother are very different in tone and contents from those he sent to his friends and even to his father and brothers. They avoid all display of erudition, all mention of literary news as well as the involved polemics on religion and philosophy which fill so many pages of his correspondence and make his lengthy missives a running commentary on his Dictionnaire and his other works. But what these letters lose in intellectuality they gain in intimacy. No doubt, letters of Bayle to his mother were far less frequent than those to other members of his family.
Invariably, each one of them begins with an excuse for their rarity. But this apparent negligence should not necessarily be ascribed to coolness on Bayle's side. Bayle's correspondence with his family was a surreptitious one. He was hiding his whereabouts from spies, since he was liable to imprisonment as a renegade. On March 19, , in Toulouse, he had been converted to Catholicism, but on May 29 of the following year he returned to Protestantism. In order to find safety, he lived outside of France, in Geneva, but on May 29, From the moment that he became reconverted to Protestantism, he was anxious to protect his family against the suspicion of being accomplices, which in fact they were.
The precariousness of his correspondence explains that Bayle received, even from his father, only four letters in four years, from l Letter, September 19, , in Nouvelles Lettres, , I, pp. Sometimes he would omit even his signature, the date and the place of origin. Now, in the letter of March 15, , to his father,6 he explained that he preferred to write not so frequently to his mother, rather than to send her such apparently cool and impersonal letters:.
C'est pour cela que je m'abstiens des termes de respect, de tendresse et de soumission. C'est encore pour cela que je ne mets point la datte ni le lieu etc. Moreover, she sent him money, since he requests her: "Je vous demande un peu d' empressement pour me faire toucher la somme que je demande. Juillet, Je vous demande au nom de votre tendre affection un peu d'empressement pour me faire toucher la somme que je demande.
On June 29, , Louis XIV, with an army of 40, men, had forced the garrison and the inhabitants of this city to capitulate. This famous siege, directed by Vauban, lasted from June 10 to June Although Bayle speaks in this letter of his portrait as being finished, it could not have arrived safely, for several months later, on February 23, He left this post on May 2, , and arrived on May 29 at Rouen, where his friend Basnage had found him a similar occupation.
Before his departure for France he wrote to his mother. But during his stay in Normandy, he must not have Deschamps, op. Letter of Paris, June 14, Ferdinand the father, whose real name was Ferdinand Elle. He went to Paris in his youth and died there about He had the title of "peintre ordinaire du Roy" and is said to have been the teacher of the famous Nicolas Poussin. His sons, Louis and Pierre, dropped the Flemish name Elle and adopted "Ferdinand" as their family name. Bayle, , pp. Lettres, I, p. This passage proves that the portrait was painted between March i and March ig, at Paris.
Pierre Bayle, La Haye, , Vol. I, and in the Dictionnaire. XVII , since they represent him at the age of Now Bayle was born in , which brings the date to To his eider brother. Nouvelles Lettres, I, p. Bayle was but a poor tutor and could not afford the high remuneration to which this fashionable painter of the nobility and the wealthy was accustomed. In a letter of May 18, , he complained. Il s'en est plaint, et il a eu raison; mais j'en ai encore plus de me plaindre de ceux de qui j'ai pris conseil. On March 15 the portrait was finally finished, but not dry, and Bayle was much distressed over the delay, since he had just learned that his mother, who had been waiting so long for this keepsake, was seriously ill.
The French discovered' Northern mythology and poetry through Mallet's works of to This discovery and Ossian started an anti-classic Ossianic-Scandinavian movement, largely due to Mallet's failure to distinguish between Celts and Scandinavians. Macpherson furnishes a dominant note of lyric melancholy or "Wettschmerz"; Mallet supplies themes of rude heroic life, "couleur barbare. This applies particularly to Ragnar's Dying Ode, in which precursors of Romanticism thought they found the typical Northern Hero..
The details and ramifications of Ragnar's triumphal reception in pre-Romantic Europe are presented in the second volume of my NorthernAntiquities, from which 1 also g! According to the saga and tradition the Danish scald and viking, Ragnar Lodbrok, was captured by King Ella of Northumbria and thrown into a serpents' den, where, just before being bitten to death, he chanted a swan song in twenty-nine stanzas, known as the Lodbrokarkvida or the. In this death song Ragnar recounts his notable deeds and expresses his joy at the splendid welcome awaiting him in Odin's Valhalla.
OM and Literature. The Icelandic text in the Bjarka Saga bas "Hneig Agnarr nidr, hlaejandi a jord ok do sidan," that is, "Agnar drops with a laugh and then dies. This incident is the direct prototype of Parny's hero, Elvin, "who was stabbed, fell, laughed and died. It is imitated by Millevoye in his Alfred, also of There "the Dane laughs and dies," with a note explaining that "to die with a laugh was a sort of point d'honneur with the Danes. The Biar Legend was naturally quoted together, in most cases, with Lodbrok's identical Ridens Moriar, but Tressan added further interest to the theme by comparing Ragnar's death song with war-songs of "the savages of Canada.
It is a tendency which prepares the way for Chateaubriand's Atala. It meets the popular hankering for a return to the primitive, as advocated by Rousseau. It helps to explain the favor of Ossian and the coincident revelation of ancient Scandinavian literature.
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As Macpherson's melancholy Ossian was lamentably lacking in this respect, Ragnar's defiant energy and utter lack of morbid sentimentality, though not of tragic melancholy, formed, with other renowned specimens of Icelandic poetry, a significant counterpoise to one-sided influence from Ossian. If Ragnar had the fortitude to die with a smile in spite of tortures by venomous snakes, the ever-wailing Ossian would be a pitiful parallel. A different type of Primitive Man was needed- and the Canadian Indians filled the need. Two mistranslations, with resulting misconceptions, of Ragnar's Ode helped its popularity.
Yet Wormius left it out and thereby necessarily added to the heroic effect. Modern research confirms the part played by enemy skulls in the life of primitive peoples of Europe, including the Celts, with whom the Scandinavians were confused. We must therefore assume that the skull-incident in Ragnar's Ode has in many minds served as corroboration of current ideas of these "Celts" or "Scythians. One result of this "ethnographic mediey" was to despoil the revelation of Ragnar of some of his genuine novelty, for he was, after all, a "Celt" like the other Scandinavians!
Despite this delusion, the skull-incident of the Ode is presented as intrinsically curious and is recorded by about sixty French writers. Wormius and Mallet are the usual sources, but Scandinavian and German seventeenth and eighteenth-century antiquarians contributed to the misconception. Pelloutier had substantiated his point about the Celtic skull-drinking with a reference to Ragnar's ancient Ode as exemplifying some of the Scandinavian "plaisirs d'une autre vie. His remarks suggest the correct understanding. The comparatively recent custom among IndoGermanic peoples of using enemy skulls as drinking vessels may in part account for the frequency in Indo-Germanic languages of names for drinking cups side by side with root-resembling terms for "head" and "skuM.
However this may be, no one seemed to question Ragnar's Ode as a perfect sample of primitive poetry. But was that sort of blood-dripping story not altogether too savage, too "cannibalistic" for refined, though romantically groping minds? Pelloutier had endeavored to exonerate the ancient Celts from having been maneaters, even if he admitted that they drank from human skulls and perhaps occasionally feasted on a fallen enemy or the body of a decrepit old relative stewed with other meats.
He had argued, obviously from Montaigne's Des Cannibales, that eating slain enemies or dead relatives, was in reality not nearly so bad as torturing persons to death, as was done in the so-called civilized nations. He had thereby stirred up the age-old question of humanity's "golden age," and had anticipated the discussions arising from Rousseau's "nature-gospel. Both knew the horrors of the Revolution and had had time to reflect. Here the hall of the Revolutionary Constituent Assembly and the Convention is likened to an Olympus reminding of "fierce Odin in his bloody paradise, dispensing to his chosen ones the drink of immortality in human skulls.
The FrancoScandinavian historian, Calleville, had pictured the ancient Danes as "ferocious, restless men, who blush at peace, who will only die on the field of battle, and whose supreme bliss consists in drinking mead from the skulls of their enemies. MaHet's and Tressan's popular theory of locating the birth of Chivalry!
He admits that women are freest in the North, but finds that Courage there is an "aimost detestable" picture of "the most odious ferocity" in "this strange paradise, where the heroes slash themselves for fun, and where mead-drinking from the skulls of their enemies offers true enjoyments of cannibals. If Lesser had only known that the "cannibalistic" enjoyments merely derived from a mistranslation! The ensuing public discussion is significant, but it was not till that the deserving Franco-German historian Depping, delivered the philological and historical proofs of Wormius' mistranslation and the resulting misconception of ancient Scandinavia.
Enlightened publicists henceforth have the correct version of Ragnar's Ode. In self-defense they refer to the only two cases in Icelandic literature that support the idea of Wormius. This book had a remarkable run in France and was probably known to Victor Hugo. Tomemos por ejemplo el conocidisimo cantar:. Es una estrofa recitable y cantable. Cuando se canta, si.
Hay, sin embargo, una especie de verso en castellano, que se puede medir por pies, o grupos rftmicos, nombre que me parece mas apropiado. Es el verso que nuestros antepasados llamaron el verso de Arte Mayor. Ya hemos visto que Nebrija niega que existan en espanol silabas largas y breves. II, libro I, cap. Bello, op. Este sistema de pies acentuales esta todav! Sobran ejemplos: el Poema del Cid, muchos de los versos de Juan Ruiz, los romances antiguos, etc. Esta es la pura verdad, y en vez de temerla, debemos afrontarla valientemente tratando de Ilegar a comprender su verdadero ritmo sin tratar de corregir a los poetas que la escribieron.
Por ejemplo, son perfectamente rftmicos estos famosos versos de Tennyson:. El contar escueta y Ilanamente las silabas puede pasar en una lengua como la francesa, donde todas las silabas tienen aproximadamente el mismo valor cuantitativo y acentual, pero no en lenguas, como la espanota y la inglesa, que son esencialmente acentuales. Veamos los siguientes endecasilabos:. De su asercion se deduce por rigurosa logica que una pausa al principio del verso equivale a una silaba, lo que es absurdo, pues todos los versos tienen pausa al principio. Sobre estos dos supuestos fenomenos ha escrito estensamente el Sr.
Lo anterior prueba que no se pueden escribir versos en espanol por el simple procedimiento de contar las sflabas. He aqu! Knapp, Madrid, ; Garcilaso, Works, edic. Los versos que cito, a pesar de tener once silabas, son en realidad versos de Arte Mayor por sus acentos. Garcilaso, op. Que ser por vuestra causa padecidos? He escogido versos de Garcilaso porque es un poeta a quien no se le puede acusar de tener mal oMo.
Martmez de la Rosa. Benot, op. De la Barra op, cit. En los asonantes se ve palpablemente que el acento es el todo al final de verso: co vale tanto como eotMco. Sin embargo, el primero tiene dos sHabas mas que el segundo.
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Urena escribe: El verso de cuatro silabas, fluctuando a menudo entre seis y dos," etc. Muero de fambre, senor poderoso! Esta es una verdad inconclusa, y para comprender el ritmo de los versos de Arte Mayor no hay que recurrir a la anacrusis ni a la catalexis ni a otros artificios por el estilo. Los espanoles comprenden su ritmo y esto es todo! Lo mismo pasa con los quebrados.
Y no hay dificultad alguna en comprender el ritmo de los siguientes versos:. B Arte Mayor de Juan de Mena. Este artfculo lo tradujo D. Adolfo Bonilla y San Mart! Tampoco pueden explicarse estos versos por la teorfa del isosilabismo diciendo que no existen los quebrados, y si s6! No se engane nadie, no,. Por ejemplo: Agosto.
La sotucion del. El hecho de que el simple cuento de las silabas no hace versos espanoies. El testimonio mismo de los poetas que imitaron metros franceses. En el Libro de Apolonio se llama al alejandrino nueva? No estamos de acuerdo con el Sr. El Sr. Esto solo puede explicarse porque el contar las silabas no era cosa natural en Espana. Urena dice: A menudo el poeta Berceo obtiene la regularidad mediante el empleo del hiato en forma artificial, que no se halla a mi juicio en ningun otro poeta.
Peter, Constable of Portugal, edic. Urena, op. Lo mismo asegura la Sra. Carolina Michaelis de Vasconcellos en su resena del articule del Sr. Agrega que se podrfan eliminar con enmendaciones faciles. Es indiscutible que en los romances viejos la sinalefa es to corriente, y el hiato la excepci6n.
Y esto mismo se puede afirmar sin vacilaciones de toda la poesfa ind! En conclusion: en espafiol hay dos sistemas diferentes de versificaci6n anteriores al siglo XVI: el indigena, que no cuenta las s! Iabas, emplea la sinalefa con preferencia al hiato, y no admite la cesura contra sentido; y el extranjero, que cuenta las sflabas, 34 Ibid. Como dice el Sr. Espinosa " Versif. Si damos al acento la importancia que realmente debe tener en una lengua tan acentual como o es la castellana, habremos encontrado el secreto de su ritmo.
In this extensive volume Dr. Baillot bas undertaken to determine the exact nature of Schopenhauer's influence upon French thought and letters. As a literary and emotional philosopher Schopenhauer has appealed more to reflective authors than to technical and systematic philosophers, and this study of his ascendency had to become in the main a survey of "pessimism" in modern letters, especially in such poets as Mme Ackerman, Jean Lahor, or Sully Prudhomme.
Among the more specific metaphysicians only Renouvier and Bergson show traces of contact with the thought of the German pseudo-Buddhist, from whom they took some color, although they rejected his main tenets. Baillot has contributed valuable data about the infiltration of Schopenhauer's thought in France after ; he has traced it with care in some nineteenth-century philosophers and mainly in the Parnassian authors, but the volume suffers from the vagueness of the term "pessimism.
But the author has not resisted the temptation of prefacing his study by an outline of Pessimism in the Nineteenth Century—and "pessimism" is, unhappily, a chameleon-word of many hues and shades of meaning. Baillot distinguishes several forms of it: "pessimisme irrationaliste, individualiste, misantropique, scientifique," as well as several emotional and sentimentally romantic ones, but their differentiation is difficult and their compass too att-inctusive. These various "aspects" even tend to increase the number of mental attitudes and more or less fluctuating doctrines that can be classified as "pessimism.
Since the field remains thus weakly outlined "aux contours vagues" free play is given to a tendency towards generalization. Goethe, Byron, Leopardi. The essence of Revolutionary doctrine is an exalted trust in the "goodness of human nature" and the "righteousness of reason,convictions or illusions that are not at all "pessimistic. If the Revolution "renewed pessimism," how did it happen that the countries where no revolution took place—England, Germany, Italy—could surround France by with a "pessimism" that did "not dare" to cross the frontier as if it were an allied army kept out by Napoleon's superior generalship?
If so, this would not be substantiated by fact: Pessimism in its several forms,-perennial or historical,-was long before the Revolution part and parcel of general European pre-Romanticism.
It continued its course unmodified even by the French Terreur. Werther dates from ; The Man of Feeling appeared in ; Mrs. Radcliffe published her first "gothic" novel in ; Young's Night Thoughts were imitated in France decades before the Revolution; etc. Moreover, several hundred English novels were translated into French in the eighteenth century-and many of them were pessimistically tearful. Pessimism, understood as various forms of melancholy, nihilism or somber revolt, was a psychological or a literary attitude both in France and in Europe before, during, and after the Revolution, before and after Napoleon.
The Conqueror did not "keep it out of France," nor did he introduce it. It seems dangerous to draw pseudo-historical parallels between political events and literature at the expense of fact and because of the vague theory that "literature mirrors the life of the times. Le front d'Adolphe [Benjamin Constant] se rembrunit, et Senancour devint sinistre. The investigations of the last two decades on the origins or the evolution of Romanticism are here neglected in order to present a striking historic-literary tableau. But it may be regretted that its approach to literary history is too vaguely ideological, and occasionally too ornated with the tinsel of eloquent generalities.
Moreover, I regret that Dr. Baillot is out of sympathy with part of his subject,—with certain modernist poets. He even loses sometimes his critical balance to indulge in invective against them-although this aversion bas nothing to do either with Schopenhauer or with his influence. Let us take, for instance, his violent diatribe against Rimbaud, whose spontaneous art he fails to appreciate.
He disapproves of the personal life of this "precocious outlaw," and he believes that he was never a fullfledged poet. It is strange to find such abuse in a study on Schopenhauer's influence, the more that Dr. Baillot stresses at once that Schopenhauer had no influence whatever on Rimbaud. Why devote a page of invective to his poetry, his manners, his life and his death, when he falls entirely outside the scope of this study?
And if Schopenhauer did not influence him, it is because Rimbaud disdained his "renunciation of life" and wanted to live it out flamingly and in its fullest intensity. These thunderbolts of destruction launched at a non-conformist genius betray, I believe, that the philosopher-critic failed to find in his verse the neat formulation of abstract theories in verse, which to him seem to be the essence of poetry. It is due to this didactic approach that he can prefer Sully Prudhomme, a far more consistent thinker, of irreproachable manners,-but whose poetry remains evidently far inferior to Rimbaud's.
On the other hand, it is somewhat astonishing to note that whereas a number of slight or dubious, or even negative "influences" of Schopenhauer are discussed, some. His moment of Messianism, when he resolved to go out "pieds nus" to the clamorous cities to preach the doctrine of universal renunciation and universal suicide, could be styled "a crisis of active Schopenhauerism.
And this influence was still increased indirectly when Laforgue later came under the spell of von Hartmann's Philosophie des Unbewussten. The book ends with an apology for pessimism. On this issue we may be, allowed to "suspend judgement," but, if strong doses of despair and nihilism could produce this noble self-perfection, they would be vastly more tolerable than they are. A study of the two novels of Juan de Flores, Grisel y Mirabella and Grimalte y Gradissa, leads one immediately into some fascinating problems of literary history.
How intricately complicated and widely ramified are these problems Miss Matulka has made apparent for the first time in her exhaustive study of the Spanish romancer and his work. The book is a monument to her scholarly industry and thoroughness. She discusses each of de Flores' romances in detail, including sources, analogues, translations, and imitations; she also includes an edition of the earliest text of each, an appendix on the works attributed to Juan de Flores, an essay on the dating of Grisel and Grimalte, and a bibliography of editions of the former.
Moreover, the book is illustrated by reproductions of the quaint title pages from early editions of the romance. The volume is attractive as well as useful. This is the story of a Princess of Scotland who is tried with her lover before her own father the King, according to an ancient law which stated that the guiltier of the two parties in such a case should be put to death.
There ensued a combat of generosity in which each lover claimed to be the guiltier, in order to save the other. The trial became a debate on the general subject of the relative guilt of Man and Woman; in. The jea! The debate on the relative merits of man and woman makes this romance a document in the so-called feminist controversy which had raged in literature for several centuries, a controversy to which Christine de Pisan and many others had contributed.
The use of a man named Torrellas-a contemporary author-as an advocate for the cause of men connects the romance with a curious chapter of Spanish literary history, to which Miss Matulka makes a significant contribution. Finally, the main theme, the combat of generosity, led to a whole series of imitations in later literature. Despite its connection with the Fiammetta of Boccaccio and the Eurialus and Lucretia of Aeneas Silvius, it offers fewer opportunities for comparative study.
One of the best contributions in this section is Miss Matulka's study of the mad lover in the wilderness and his resemblance to the hairy anchorite of saintly legend. A study of this kind is particularly instructive because it illustrates the necessity of journeying far afield when one is working on any problem of comparative literature.
If Miss Matulka had not known the romances of the Middle Ages as well as those of the Renaissance, or if she had confined herself to the Spanish language alone, her work would have had but a limited significance in the history of culture. As it is, her methods may well serve as a model to other students. In some details there might have been improvement-repetitions might have been avoided, and space savedbut the work as a whole is admirable in plan and scope.
Poliarchus, who is not favored by the King, is forced to visit the Princess in disguise, but their meetings and correspondence are betrayed by her maid Selinissa. In the end, however, Poliarchus wins Argenis, who, in this political aIlegory, personifies Succession to the Crown. These are but details, to be sure, but the connection is interesting; and it is possible, I should think, that John Barclay also knew the work of Juan de Flores. With a note of sadness in his Introduction, this eminent Italian scholar seems to bid farewell to his studies, and to the scholarly dreams that spurred him on in the passionate research of his earlier days; he now calls upon others to continue this labor of love to which he has devoted his life.
With his vast erudition and his indefatigable investigations, he is one of the leading exponents of comparative literature from the Spanish point of view, a field in which relatively little work is now being done. In these two comprehensive volumes he has gathered some of the most substantial of his many contributions to Spanish-Italian literary relations. They form a collection of his early articles published in previous years, but revised and completed with pertinent new material and copious annotations which mainly embody the results of recent research.
In this way these annotated studies give a complete survey of the latest studies on certain interesting subjects such as, for instance, feminism in fifteenth century Spain, to which he contributes a number of important documents. He has, for example, devoted about a dozen pages to an extensive discussion of the relations of Pedro Torrellas, the Catalan poet, to the feminist movement of his period; and, from his footnotes and numerous other references to Torrellas dispersed ail through the first volume, a substantial study, both biographical and literary, can be deduced.
MM de Zaragoza or to the well-known studies of Masse Torrents, to reconstitute the interesting polemics that raged around this Spanish imitator of Boccaccio. He has treated with the same thoroughness and detail many other points of Italian-Spanish literary relations, and the abundant clues in his numerous footnotes are precious because of the vistas they open up on subjects in which much investigation remains to be done.
The way in which these studies grew explains why some of the most interesting material is hidden in a footnote. It also explains why the work ranges over all the important fields of Italian-Spanish literary and cultural relations. Volume 1 discusses at length the influence of Petrarch in Spain in the Middle Ages, and more exhaustively still, that of Boccaccio up to the age of Cervantes and Lope de Vega.
It also includes an account of Farinelli's journey in Spain in , during which he came in contact with the leading Spanish scholars. If one bears this object in mind, these volumes will be found invaluable. Being largely pioneer work, they gather the scattered materials on several vital problems in comparative literature; they clear up many details and, in general, take stock of the existing problems and. As such, they should be looked upon largelyas the groundwork, the bausteine, of an extensive history in this comparative field, as an indispensable point of departure for aIl future studies.
Many may regret that Farinelli did not write a synthetic study of the Italian literature in Spain, especially since he was so supremely qualified to do this,-but he bas proved too patient, too minute, too honest a scholar, ever to cover gaps in his documentation with synthetic generalities. It is mainly this profound honesty in research that bas made him accumulate this infinite and precious detail of which others than he, perhaps, will make the fullest use.
His many discoveries, however, are a substantiation of his fame as an investigator. Each problem that he bas touched he bas changed and illuminated. For example, he studies Boccaccio's influence in Spain not only through the Decameron, but his other works as well, and demonstrates that rather than his masterpiece, his other works were the object of admiration in Spain, were translated and commented -upon, especially in the earlier decades. The last three especially set him in the very midst of the feminist debate in fifteenth-century Spain.
Not only were his arguments repeated both for and against women, but he himself was represented as a wise master of morals, warning unsuspecting youths against the dangers of mundane love. But if 1 may be allowed a difference of opinion, one might have indicated that Juan de Flores did not merely imitate this elegy of love's deception, but wrote a reply and expostulation, bringing it sternly to its fatal conclusion on this earth and carrying the feud on to the beyond, to the perdition of a soul through ail eternity.
As to Petrarch, Farinelli indicates a similar phenomenon. His study on Tasso in Spain is a reworking of an earlier article of which dealt only with an unknown Spanish translation of Jerusalem Delivered. All of the subjects of which Farinelli treats are of a simi! L the future investigations which their wealth of suggestions will undoubtedly inspire. Ludwig Pfandl, Johanna die Wahnsinnige.
Ihre Zeit. The poets and the historians have never agreed in their estimates of Juana la Loca. The poets have always pictured her as the tragic victim of her husband's infidelities and her father's political machinations. To the historians she is at best a shadowy, incompetent figure in a brief interregnum of confusion and civil war.
Similar authors to follow
Pfandl approaches his subject as an historian and as a psychiatrist. From contemporary sources-letters, ambassadorial reports, descriptions of public occasions and other documents of state-he brings evidence to show that the unfortunate queen suffered from dementia praecox, a malady with which her grandmother, Isabel of Portugal, had been afflicted during the last years of her life. The dormant tendency to the disease was, he admits, in Juana's case aggravated by emotional excitement. The first unmistakable symptoms of her illness appeared when she was detained against her will in Castile after her husband had left for Flanders.
A second outbreak occurred during a fit of jealous rage when she attacked one of her ladies-in-waiting with a pair of scissors and disfigured the pretty face which she believed had aroused Philip's admiration. Pfandl believes, however, that Juana's excessive jealousy was a form of the persecution mania, a result, therefore, and a symptom, rather than a cause of her disease.
The marital infidelities of the handsome Philip were, he thinks, no more than were to be expected from a man of his position in his time. Promiscuity, for a prince, was no heinous crime. Isabella might with as much reason have complained of Ferdinand, who had populated the court with bastards, but she, being of sound mind, had accepted the situation as natural and inevitable. The symptoms of Juana's disorder seem to have grown more pronounced after her mother's death.
At least there was more cause to observe them after she had succeeded to the throne. She became a prey to abulia, refused to accept responsibility or to make decisions, and insisted, with pathological intensity, on the performance of certain acts characteristic of dementia, such as the daily washing and rewashing of her hair. Then suddenly Philip died, and her behavior became so eccentric that the whole world knew that she was mad. Many of the romantic incidents which have been woven into this part of her story Pfandl rejects as legendary. Philip had asked to be buried in Granada, but for a time the casket was kept in a monastery at Burgos, the city in which he had died, for Juana could not at first be reconciled to the fact that she had lost him.
It is true that she went to the monastery every few days and insisted on looking at her husband's body to reassure herself that it had not been removed or dishonored, but the more sensational details which have been told concerning these visits must be dismissed as apocryphal. Finally an epidemic broke out in Burgos, and the queen and her retinue left the city and went to the little town of Torquemada, making their way by torcMight, at night, carrying the king's body with them.
Finally Juana's father had her brought to the lonely castle in Tordesillas where she spent the fortysix years of death-in-life that remained to her. The casket containing Philip's body was placed in a near-by church where she could see it from her apartments, but within a few years she had forgotten ail about it and she made no protest when Ferdinand removed it to its final resting place in Granada.
Thirty odd years pass and her great-grandson is born to a similar fate. The tragic inheritance falls to a rachitic, subnormal child. It is one of the supreme ironies of history that this imbecile youth lives for posterity transfigured as the inspiring hero of Schiller's Don Carlos. Pfandl leaves no shred of Schiller's romantic picture intact.
On the whole Pfandl's account is logical, well documented, and convincing. At certain points the reader makes mental reservations. Philip II, the "adored husband" of Isabel of Valois, the long-suffering father of the demented Carlos, the "innocent victim" of plotting traitors, is his hero. Montigny and William of Orange are "unprincipled scoundrels" and "common traitors"; the revolt in the Netherlands, "the work of treacherous disloyalty rather than the result of an intellectual movement. It is to be regretted that he has not paid more consideration to these objections.
Until they are impartially examined and refuted, poets will still insist that the complaint from which both Juana and Carlos suffered was, in part, "la locura de amor" and that their dementia was at times complicated with "herejia. It is to be hoped, however, that the editing of the other volumes may be on a higher level than that accorded the one under review.
The editor has provided a prologue of twetve pages containing some inference concerning the author, notes on his style, suggestions as to sources and influences, a sketch of the narrative with practically a paraphrase of some portions, and a description of the three editions known. Although he admits the imprudence of conjecture, Sr. It is true that the approbation and other preliminaries imply that the book was the first work of a young man, but in the absence of documentation it is futile to guess at the date of his birth.
Not everyone will agree with the editor in his observations on the style of the author, which he finds to be quevedesco and at the same time "puro y sin afectaciones gongorinas. While it certainly does not represent the extreme of the type, yet the novel reveals tendencies toward culturanismo and conceptismo, as well as a pedanticism to be expected in a work of its period.
Ticknor considered the style gongoristic cf. History of Spanish Literature, N. The opening words of the narrative seem to bear out this opinion:. It is doubtful, too, whether most scholars would agree that the Desengano del hombre is the best imitation "la imitacion mas feliz" that we have of Quevedo's Suenos.
The editor states that he bas spent several years searching in libraries and archives for mention of the author and, since his efforts have been fruitless in this regard, we might expect a more detailed study than he gives us of sources and of influences upon the work itself. His suggestions are, for the most part, stated without indicating precise evidences of relationship. The space that is given to tracing the thread of the narrative would have been more happily filled by a scholarly treatment of the references mentioned above, which are listed so vaguely.
The discussion of women is presented in some detail, selections quoted or paraphrased from the novel being interspersed with comments of the editor until at times one is confused as to the author of some of the statements. There is, of course, no doubt as to the responsibility for one quotation which seems rather more than superfluous. This note, as well as the editor's personal sentiments about satirical attacks on women, has little place in a critical study of this kind.
In describing the preceding editions of the Desengano del hombre, Sr. Astrana Marin gives the wording of the title-page of the original Even in this detail, however, there are several inaccuracies. Such faults, although slight, are sufficiently misleading to nullify any usefulness for identification purposes. A facsimile reproduction would have been much better. The final statement of the prologue is that the present edition follows the text of the original, being modified only in orthography and in that which was absolutely necessary to facilitate reading.
Here the reviewer is frankly skeptical. With the. Additional evidence exists that the edition was the basis for the modern one. For example, where the older editions read mirais , f. The form mirais is proper in this place. The explanation for the variance of the edition in this account is, apparently, that its editor failed to understand the rather loose construction of the original, and attempted to clarify it by suppressing the names whose significance he did not see and supplying the same name throughout.
The editor of the present edition calls attention to the reading of the undated edition as a variant and suggests a reason for the change, an explanation which could scarcely be expected to be plausible, since the chronology of the two readings is reversed. The incident related is historical, but the identification of the hero as Caligula's horse is evidently a confusion of names. That at least one of the earlier editions was used to some extent is apparent not only in the reference to the undated edition, but also in the fact that there is included the full text of the diatribe upon women, about ten pages of which were omitted in the edition.
In a footnote attention is called to this omission. The text of this section might have been taken from either the undated or the version. In spite of the shortcomings noted it is a real satisfaction to have accessible this late example of Spanish allegory, an example combining characteristics of its own seventeenth-century period with some that belong to the earlier development of the type.
As a contribution toward the understanding of a little known picaresque novel dealing with the beginnings of the decadent period, this monograph is to be commended. The author deserves credit for bringing to light again a neglected work, about which erroneous ideas are still to be found in the manuals of Spanish literature, and of whose importance critics have never formed a satisfactory opinion. Professor Jones' work is an excerpt from his doctoral dissertation Chicago University which won the. A line by line commentary, including notation of some seven hundred errors in the B.
The author of the novel was a soldier-vagabond whose later days were spent in the service of General Octavo Piccolomini, prominent in the Thirty Years' War. The narrative itself is an account of Estevanillo's picaresque life as soldier, camp follower, despatch bearer and court jester from about to Jones establishes the Brussels, edition as the princeps, and lists other Spanish editions, to which might be added that of Barcelona, , cited by Palau y Dulcet Manual, Vol. Since the publication of the thesis a reprint has appeared: Madrid, Aguilar, Coleccibn de autores regocijados.
There follows a. Jones proves that some of the borrowings were likewise used in Gil Blas. He has, however, omitted several editions and translations which show the influence of the novel.